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Davis-Bacon
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Q. Why
is such a law needed today? Second, when government enters the construction industry through federally - funded contracts, its monopoly power risks skewing this unique market unfairly. That is because construction wages vary greatly across the country, reflecting differences in communities' cost of living and business environments. The nature of construction work is uncertain and temporary, with crews moving from place to place - and so the potential for cutthroat competition and unfair bidding is always present. The question is whether government will exacerbate this phenomenon or seek a neutral effect on the market Davis-Bacon achieves the latter goal. It does not set specific wage levels; all it does is provide that contractors must base their bids upon a level of wages and fringe benefits that is typical to the local area, set through private - sector market forces. In this way, all contractors bid for federally funded projects based upon a common labor cost, and competition is focused where it belongs - matters of management, quality, timeliness and productivity. Abuses were rampant for years before the Act was passed. One of its authors, Rep. Robert L Bacon (R-N.Y.), explained the need for a prevailing wage law when he observed how an Alabama firm brought thousands of unskilled workers to a job in New York: They were herded onto this job, they were housed in shacks, they were paid a very low wage, and . . .(i)t seemed to me that the federal government should not engage in construction work in any state and undermine the labor conditions and the labor wages paid in that State . . . [T]he least the Federal Government can do is comply with the local standards of wages and labor prevailing in the locality where the building construction is to take place. The Davis-Bacon Act was authored by Republican legislators and signed by a Republican president. For more than six decades, it has remained an essential element in the fabric of federal construction law, and has consistently received bipartisan support. Why keep the Davis-Bacon Act today? Former Secretary of Labor Ray Marshall gives this answer: Because it makes sense and is eminently fair. It is fair to the worker; it is fair to the contractors; and it is fair to the federal government. Above all, it is fair to every community throughout the nation, wherever construction that is paid for in whole or in part by the federal government is undertaken. Q: Is the Davis-Bacon wage
a "union" wage? Q: Is the Davis-Bacon Act
expensive for the federal government? Opponents of the law who claim that the government would save billions per year utilize vastly oversimplified and fundamentally flawed methods of economic analysis which fail to take into account productivity, safety, community development and other economic forces contributing to the real cost-effectiveness that Davis-Bacon offers. Q: But doesn't a cut in
wages automatically decrease costs of construction to the federal government? Repeated studies have proven that there is a direct correlation between wage levels and productivity - that well-trained workers produce more value per hour than poorly trained, low-wage workers. For example, a recent study of 10 states where nearly half of all highway and bridge work in the U.S. is done showed that when high wage workers were paid double that of low-wage workers, they built 74.4 more miles of roadbed and $38 more miles of bridges for $557 million less. Furthermore, most analyses fail to take into account the spin-off economic impact of maintaining prevailing wages. When workers' income goes down, they have less money to spend purchasing goods and making investments. When businesses close or cut back as a result, tax revenues to the federal government decline and social expenditures rise. It is simply penny-wise and pound-foolish to assume that driving wages down will be of any benefit in reducing the federal deficit. Q: Could a repeal of Davis-Bacon
result in cost shifting to other government programs? Furthermore, a current practice in some segments of the industry on private sector projects is for employers to misclassify workers, enabling irresponsible contractors to avoid paying employment taxes, such as social security, unemployment insurance and workers' compensation. This does not mean that costs are lowered - it means that others pay for these costs. Without Davis-Bacon, such practices would be extended to government contracts, with some employers effectively using tax dollars to stiff other taxpayers. Q: Does the Davis-Bacon
Act impede or improve the functioning of labor markets? Construction workers are trained for their skills. It often takes years of schooling and apprenticeship to gain proper experience - and the importance of training is greater than ever at a time when rapid technological advancements are changing the nature of work in the industry. To retain skill, workers must be paid fairly - by employers who contribute to training programs. Davis-Bacon ensures the proper functioning of labor markets by grounding the industry's competition in fair wages: making contractors and the government compete on more efficient management techniques. Q: Does Davis-Bacon cause
unemployment? Q: Why do construction
workers need the Davis-Bacon Act? One important economic outcome of the Davis-Bacon Act is that it provides some stability to uncertain employment, which helps working families. This, in turn, protects one of the last remaining industries in the United States to employ blue-collar workers. Without it, the industry will follow the low-wage, low-growth and low-productivity path of other industries. Q: Wouldn't non-union workers
benefit from repeal of Davis-Bacon? Without Davis-Bacon, the downward pressure on wages and benefits would weaken or render non-existent the already feeble attempts by non-union contractors to establish apprenticeship and health and safety programs, making non-union construction work even more dangerous than it already is. Q: Does the Davis-Bacon
Act discriminate against minority workers? As a matter of historical record, Sen. James J. Davis (R-Penn., and former secretary of labor under President Harding) Rep. Bacon, Rep. Fiorello LaGuardia (R-N.Y.), and countless others supported the enactment of the Davis-Bacon Act because it would give protection to all workers, regardless of race or ethnicity. The overwhelming legislative intent of the Act is clear: all construction workers, including minority employees, were rescued from abusive industry practices. Mandating that a fair and livable wage be paid to every worker not only stabilized local wage rates and labor standards for local wage earners and local contractors but also prevented migratory contracting practices which treated African-American workers as exploitable indentured servants. Today, thanks to the Davis-Bacon Act, African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, Native Americans and women are able to secure fair wages for their work on federal projects. In fact, minorities are heavily employed in the construction industry - especially in the unionized sector, where union apprenticeship programs graduate a greater number of minorities than non-union apprenticeship programs. Norman Hill, the President of the A. Phillip Randolph Institute, stated that minority workers are "particularly vulnerable to exploitation such as the wage-cutting practices which the Davis-Bacon Act of 1931 is designed to prevent." Repeal of the Act would leave minority workers with the twin specters of unemployment and wage reduction. Q: Are most minority groups
for or against Davis-Bacon? Q: Is there a connection
between safety and health for workers and communities and the Davis-Bacon
Act? Q: How can you argue that
Davis-Bacon adheres to market principles? Q: Have we seen any evidence
of what would happen without Davis-Bacon? · Competitive pressures in the industry leading to lower wages and fewer benefits · Reductions in and wholesale elimination of apprenticeship training programs · Declines in the quality of the workforce as the best candidates find careers in other industries more appealing, and · Increases in injuries and deaths on the job as more untrained workers are employed. Repeal of Utah's prevailing wage law caused a decline in average construction wages in the state and decreased union apprenticeship training for construction. No other public or private source offset this decline in training. This led to high turnover of non-union apprentices, despite contractors' efforts to retain workers. Overall, the construction industry lost a significant portion of its human capital. Another study in Iowa showed that contractors did not pass on savings to the taxpayer from paying lower wages - instead they lined their own pockets. Q: How does the Davis-Bacon
Act improve local economies? Furthermore, for the Hispanic community in San Bernardino, Davis-Bacon gave some permanency to their economic gains by supporting apprenticing, as 48 percent of apprentices were Hispanic. Additional economic benefits
of prevailing wage laws include: · Immunizing the employee from the need to seek benefits from social programs · Contributing to the ability of the community to assist the needy, and · Establishing an
upwardly mobile track for minority members of the community to advance
into higher-paying occupations. · Obeisance to radical right-wing ideology that is inconsistent with the long history of Republican support for Davis-Bacon and the Act's grounding in market principles · A repayment of a political debt to a group of special interests that have contributed heavily to GOP campaigns in the hopes of making higher profits from taxpayer dollars by paying lower wages · Belief in the myths about Davis-Bacon propagated by these special interests, and/or · The mistaken notion that repeal of Davis-Bacon could reduce the deficit, which neither takes into account the cost of the productivity, timeliness and quality problems that result from using lower-wage workers, nor the multiplier effect on communities and tax revenues from paying prevailing wages. The sponsor of legislation to repeal Davis-Bacon, Sen. Nancy L Kassebaum (R-Kan.), misinterprets the political mandate behind the Republican victory in 1994. Middle-income voters were angry at incumbent members of Congress for failing to address the cause of stagnating or declining incomes over the past two decades. They were not voting for their tax dollars to be used to drive down wages even further and erode the American standard of living. The American people want their tax dollars to be used efficiently and wisely. This means we must cooperate to minimize waste and maximize efficiency. Davis-Bacon supports these aims by establishing incentives for contractors to increase profits through effective management and enhanced productivity. It would be short-sighted for members of Congress to repeal a law which prevents big government and big business from undercutting local prevailing wages The Davis-Bacon Act is one of the floorboards upon which America's standard of living is based. The Act still performs its purpose of preventing the government from interfering with the private industry's ability to set fair wages. Paying workers the prevailing wage prevents ruin of the industry, improves the quality and strength of our infrastructure, bolsters local economies and protects workers and communities from health hazards. REFERENCES: Allen, Steven, "State Prevailing Wage Laws and Construction Costs: A Reply to Professor Thieblot." Azari-Rad, Hamid, Anne Yeagle and Peter Philips "The Effects of the Repeal of Utah's Prevailing Wage Law on the Construction Labor Markets." Labor Law Reform (Forthcoming Cornell University Press Spring 1993). Bourdon, Clinton G and Raymond E Levitt, "A Comparison of Wages and Construction," (MIT Research Report No. R-78-3). Bureau of National Affairs, "Repeal First Choice of Davis-Bacon Foes," Construction Labor Report, 12-21-94, (Vol 40, p. 995). Dunlop, John T. (December 17,1990) Affidavit at par. 9 Building and Construction Trades Department v. Martin, 961 F.2d 269 (D.G Cir.1992) (No. 90-5345). Mandelstamm, Allan B. "The Effect of Unions on Efficiency in the Residential Construction Industry: A Case Study." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 18 ( l965). Richman, Lionel and Reich, J.D. "The Prevailing Wage: Law A Profitable Community Investment" Ruttenberg, Ruth, "The Davis Bacon Act A Response to the CATO Institutes' Attack." U.S. Dept of Labor, Employment and Earnings, Vol. 41 No.7 July 1994. Sheehan, Michael, "State of Oregon Repeal Provides No Direct Cost Savings" Ballot Measure 12 Information Packet. Sheehan, Michael, "The Economic Impact of A Prevailing Wage Law for Iowa State Construction Projects," Fisher, Sheehan and Colton, Scapposse Oregon. Tomsho, Robert, "Labor Squeeze: With Housing Strong, Builders Often Find Skilled Help Lacking," Wall Street Journal, Feb 27,1994 p A-1 U.S. Dept of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, "Average hourly and weekly earnings of production or nonsupervisory workers" on private nonfarm payrolls by major industry seasonally adjusted, "Employment and Earnings," July 1994, p 67. U.S. General Accounting Office Human Resources Division, Feb 7,1994 letter to Senator Craig and Representatives Stenholm, Goodling, Valentine, and Petri from Div. Director Morra (GAO/HEHS-94- 95R Da visBacon Act). US House of Representatives 69th Congress, 2nd session HR 17069, "Hours of Labor and Wages on Public Works." Hearings Before the Committee on Labor, Feb 18,1927.
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